Black Women’s Contributions to South Africa’s Anti-Apartheid Movement

Written By Shoshana Iny

Edited By Anya Labelle

For some individuals, getting involved in a revolutionary movement is as simple as raising a hand. Historically, this has not been the case for Black women. Although men have frequently assumed front-facing leadership roles in Black civil rights movements, women have also sought opportunities to resist oppressive regimes (Irons, 1998). Despite scholarly literature frequently overlooking Black women’s contributions within anti-racism movements, Black women played crucial roles in South Africa’s anti-Apartheid movement. At the height of the anti-Apartheid movement in the mid-20th century, Black women uniquely faced three forms of discrimination: class, race, and gender (Irons, 1998). When attempting to contribute to the anti-Apartheid movement, women frequently encountered sexism from Black male revolutionaries (Miller, 2009). As a result, Black women demonstrated resistance in unique ways, employing counter-hegemonic strategies to publicly challenge racism and sexism. Through organizing political campaigns and participating in armed conflict, Black women made significant contributions to South Africa’s anti-Apartheid movement. 

Context

South Africa’s anti-Apartheid movement was formed in response to the oppressive Apartheid regime in the latter half of the 20th century. The Apartheid era of South African history refers to when the National Party led the country’s white-minority government from 1948-1994 (Blakemore, 2023). Apartheid – translating to ‘separate development’ – divided South African society into four distinct racial groups: whites, coloureds, Asians, and Africans (United Nations Centre Against Apartheid, 1978). All aspects of South African life were dictated by the colonial Apartheid regime; land distribution, income, and government structures all favored the minority-white settlers, thus marginalizing the majority-Black population (UNCA, 1978). Black people responded to racial discrimination in a miscellany of ways in the anti-Apartheid movement, including boycotting, demonstrating, and organizing (Thörn, 2009). Notably, there was a strong presence of violence in the anti-Apartheid movement, which was dominated by Black male resisters (Miller, 2009). At the same time, Black women worked to galvanize “broad-based and influential grassroot movements for social change” (Miller, 2009 p. 69), but oftentimes in more understated ways due to gender constraints (Miller, 2009). Altogether, the anti-Apartheid movement employed a variety of resistance mechanisms in order to decrease racial discrimination in South Africa. 

Organizing Political Campaigns

Black women were confronted with sexism when attempting to participate in political domains of the anti-Apartheid movement. Women were denied opportunities to take on prominent roles in the African National Congress (ANC), the main anti-Apartheid organization of Black South Africans (Ellis, 1991). Thenjiwe Mtintso, former female soldier in the ANC, recounted that gender inequality permeated through all aspects of the ANC, including policy and male behavior. Mtintso described the ANC’s pervasive sexism as “a cancer” (Miller, 2009, p. 71), preventing women from holding leadership roles in the organization. Black women faced overt sexism in the ANC, challenging them to find innovative ways to contribute to the anti-Apartheid movement.

Black women made significant contributions to the political milieu of anti-Apartheid by creating organizations that promoted racial and gender equality. Black women challenged male hegemonic structures within the ANC by creating the Federation of South African Women (FEDSAW) in 1954 (South African History Online, 2017). FEDSAW united women of all races to publicly reject gender disparities prevalent in the anti-Apartheid movement and South African society (Patel, 1998). Black women rooted FEDSAW in public motherhood, a symbolic identity that attracted women of all races to join the organization and challenge gender inequality (Healy-Clancy, 2017). Black women recognized the importance of building a coalition of allies – an important way for civil society organizations to expand their influence and pressure policy change (Prince, 2003). On August 9th, 1956, FEDSAW organized a march of 20,000 women of all races to the South African Prime Minister’s office. Activists united against the segregationist pass laws, which forced Black South Africans to carry identity cards authorizing their presence in white-designated areas (Healy-Clancy, 2017). The protest marked an explosion of open, public, and assertive demonstrations made by FEDSAW, marking their entry into anti-Apartheid politics and promoting the freedom of all women. When the Apartheid era ended, South Africa’s government recognized the valuable contributions of FEDSAW’s march to promote women’s rights, declaring August 9th the Women’s Day in South Africa (Healy-Clancy, 2017). The creation of FEDSAW was instrumental to Black women’s abilities to successfully influence the anti-Apartheid regime; FEDSAW legitimized Black women’s influence as civil society actors in the anti-Apartheid movement through inclusive, public demonstrations. Through the creation of FEDSAW, Black women worked to advance equality of all peoples in South Africa, creating a multi-racial organization that publicly promoted race and gender equality. 

Participation in Armed Conflict

Despite being met with sexism from male revolutionaries, Black women strived to participate in the armed wing of the anti-Apartheid movement in order to advance racial and gender equality. Black South African women challenged conventional gender norms by seeking opportunities to participate in Umkhonto We Sizwe – the military wing of the ANC (Miller, 2009). Committed to advancing the anti-Apartheid movement through arms, the Umkhonto We Sizwe was male-dominated, resulting in gender inequality faced by female participants. Black women had to work significantly harder to be included in military ranks, and female militants were prohibited from getting pregnant (Miller, 2009). Despite misogynistic undertones in Umkhonto We Sizwe, Black women still sought opportunities to participate in the armed wing. 

Female Black South African figures, such as Thandi Modise, have frequently been under-recognized for their efforts participating in the Umkhonto We Sizwe despite enduring blatant sexism. In Modise’s military training, there were six women, and 100 men, resulting in women having to work harder to prove their worth in the army (Modise & Curnow, 2000). Despite male dominance in the Umkhonto We Sizwe, Modise’s resilience earned her a spot as a high-ranking female commander, openly and unapologetically challenging gender norms (Modise & Curnow, 2000). The persistence of Modise powerfully exemplified how Black women rose above traditional gender roles in South African society, even earning prestigious roles in anti-Apartheid militia. 

Conclusion

Despite facing racial, gender, and class disparities, Black women sought innovative ways to participate in South Africa’s anti-Apartheid movement. When faced with sexism by their male comrades, Black women strategically employed their unique positionality, networks, and wit in order to challenge gender inequalities and promote the larger ideals of the revolutionary movement. Black female participants of South Africa’s anti-Apartheid movement achieved tangible change through creating FEDSAW, which united women of all races to publicly denounce segregationist policies, thus establishing the legitimacy of Black female organizations (Patel, 1998). Additionally, despite enduring overt sexism in the armed wing of the anti-Apartheid movement, Black women such as Thandi Modise earned prestigious leadership roles in the organization – a testament to their unwavering dedication to the movement (Modise & Curnow, 2000). Forced to navigate racial segregation and binary gender norms, Black women demonstrated the utmost resilience during their involvement in South Africa’s anti-Apartheid movement. Despite enduring sexism, women did not subordinate to male dominance, and instead opted to organize political campaigns and contribute to militia. Ultimately, Black women are underappreciated for their immense dedication and innovative contributions to South Africa’s anti-Apartheid movement. 

References

Blakemore, E. (2019, April 26). The harsh reality of life under Apartheid in South Africa. History. https://www.history.com/news/apartheid-policies-photos-nelson-mandela 

Ellis, S (1991). The ANC in exile. African Affairs, 90(360), 439. https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article-abstract/90/360/439/54675?redirectedFrom=PDF&login=true#no-access-message 

Healy-Clancy, M. (2017). The family politics of the Federation of South African Women: A history of public motherhood in women’s antiracist activism. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 42(4), 843-866. https://doi.org/10.1086/690916 

Irons, J. (1998). The Shaping of Activist Recruitment and Participation: A Study of Women in the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement. Gender and Society, 12(6), 692–709. http://www.jstor.org/stable/190513 

Miller, K (2009). Moms with guns: Women’s political agency in anti-Apartheid visual culture. African Arts, 42(2), 69-72. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20626992?seq=2#metadata_info_tab_contents 

Modise, T., & Curnow, R. (2000). Thandi Modise, a woman in war. Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity, 43, 36–40. https://doi.org/10.2307/4066108 

Patel, L. (1988). South African women’s struggles in the 1980’s. Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity, 2, 28–35. https://doi.org/10.2307/4065688 

South African History Online. (2017, July 18). The Role of women in the struggle against Apartheid. https://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/role-women-struggle-against-apartheid-15-july-1980 

Thörn, H. (2009). The meaning(s) of solidarity: Narratives of anti-Apartheid activism. Journal of Southern African Studies, 35(2), 417–436. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40283240 

United Nations Centre Against Apartheid. (1978). The effects of Apartheid on the status of women in South Africa. The Black Scholar, 10(1), 11–20. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41163649 

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